although the formal justification for immigration detention and ‘protective custody’ may be different, there are clear parallels between the experience of trafficking victims in semi-carceral institutions and what kalhan has termed ‘a quasi-punitive system of immcarceration’. i demonstrate how the uk uses development aid as an anti-trafficking strategy. in gold mines in ethiopia, children are forced to work an average of 14 h a day, six days a week. if visibility is a byproduct of a technologically mediated ecosystem, how do we leverage it in ways that do not inflict additional harm on trafficked persons or others who find themselves caught within the anti-trafficking carceral protectionist net (musto 2013)? counter-trafficking measures may offer a modicum of protection for a specific and small group of undocumented migrants in the sex industry., diana tietjens: feminism and sex trafficking: rethinking some aspects of autonomy and paternalism, in: ethical theory and moral practice 17 (3), juni 2014, s. furthermore, victims of human trafficking have access to statutory assistance under the asylum seekers’ benefits act and to compensation under the victims compensation act when certain requirements are met. “‘i am only half alive’: organ trafficking in pakistan amid interlocking oppressions. slavery and sexual violence are necessary but not sufficient responses to trafficking and the wider spectrum of sexual abuse and transnational labor exploitation, which correspond more to our own cultural norms than the moral equality and self-determination of the victims. despite the growing political attention devoted to protecting victims of trafficking, i argue that in areas of nigeria prone to economic insecurity and gender-based violence, the categories of “victim” and “criminal” collapse into, and begin to resemble, one another once on the ground. the harms of this form of trafficking are reported to be especially high, with extremely harsh living and working conditions and frequent physical abuse. german penal code (stgb) addresses various types of human trafficking: for sexual exploitation (section 232 stgb), for labour exploitation (section 233 stgb), and for facilitating human trafficking (section 233a stgb). association between the football industry and the trafficking of west african youth has captivated academic, media and political interest. sociotechnical anti-trafficking efforts not only risk perpetuating harms against the people they aim to assist; they may further contribute to interventions that render victims of forced labor and voluntary sex workers similarly vulnerable to heightened law enforcement surveillance and carceral oversight (bernstein 2010; ditmore 2009), punitive efforts we seek to challenge. based on research, in a range of sending and receiving countries—australia, bosnia and herzegovina, brazil, india, nigeria, thailand, the united kingdom, and the united states—the report shows that women who are “rescued” from trafficking may be indefinitely detained against their will in police facilities or shelters, involuntarily deported, forced to provide evidence which puts them and their families at risk, or even abused or harassed by law enforcement officials.” or as a federal agent who has worked several child sex trafficking cases summarized in an interview: “it [evidence for cases] is just like a big puzzle where you have to link all these pieces together…social media, text messages, it’s all part of the puzzle” (interview, june 29, 2012). “contrasting the conceptualisation of victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation: a case study of brazilians in spain and portugal. the second, empirical section of my analysis i strive to connect uk domestic anti-trafficking measures with government plans to reorganize the spatial limits of its governmentality extraterritorially.. anti-trafficking funding went to east asia or the western hemisphere and only 14% to africa (crs report for congress 2010). some have used online classified ad sites and child sex trafficking as a rallying cry to advocate for sweeping policy changes to section 230 of the 1996 communications decency act (cda), arguing that their ability to enforce abuse is curtailed because of the current framing of cda, section 230 (national association of attorneys general 2013). for example, a best-case receiving country sensitive to social context—australia—has committed almost us million/year to combating trafficking in australia through improving detection and prosecution while a counterpart sending country program financed by the ilo in thailand for prevention through education and job creation provides only around us million/year (http://www. while the pretext for becoming objects of law enforcement attention may be couched in rehabilitative terms and may legitimize arresting youth in order to rescue, restore, and empower them (musto 2013), the outcome for both groups appears to be the same, with both groups subjected to increased surveillance and heightened juridical and psychosocial entrapment by the law enforcement anti-trafficking apparatus. child laborers in gold mines face a number of dangers: in west africa, children rub mercury into their hands before sifting soil through their fingers. widely acknowledged that the data on human trafficking is insufficient,Unreliable, incomparable and limited (ogrodnik 2010). shamir’s recent article, a labor paradigm for human trafficking, critiques the current response to human trafficking, arguing that it has failed to make meaningful progress in reducing the prevalence of human trafficking. children trafficked from burkina faso, guinea, and mali to gold mines in côte d’ivoire are held in slavery-like conditions and forced to work 10 h a day, seven days a week. the aim in highlighting such obstacles is to emphasize the dynamics that may contribute to lowered numbers of identified and prosecuted cases, and consequent underestimation of sex trafficking prevalence.
bales’ overall predictors of trafficking levels in a given country are corruption, infant mortality, youth population, food production, population density, and conflict (bales 2004, p 139). heightened attention to the technological “push” factors of sex trafficking thus consolidates and elevates the influence of sociotechnical actors to shape and control the terms on which anti-trafficking claims are made. some of the distorted typing of trafficking as uniquely coercive and harmful obscures the pressures and violations of both alternative forms of migration and alternative domestic employment, as well as the sexual exploitation of “normal” practices in many sending countries. implications for practice, research, and policy are discussed, as well as recommendations for future prevalence studies on human trafficking.org/traffick/, run jointly by global alliance against traffic in women, network of sex work projects, the international human rights law group, and human rights watch, monitors the effects and shortfalls of anti-trafficking initiatives. in the sections that follow, we expand upon some of these themes, draw upon some ethnographic and interview findings and conclude by offering a tentative forecast of what the trafficking-technology nexus suggests for the future of anti-trafficking..-based anti-trafficking activities focused on technology, our research offers preliminary insight as to how technology in general and sociotechnical innovation in particular are shaping anti-trafficking activities in the united states. “girls on film: affective politics and the creation of an intimate anti-trafficking public in singapore through film screenings. a supply of desperate and vulnerable women (and families, in the case of children) is generated by the collapse of local economies due to endemic poverty, political conflict, and/or pressures of globalization.nsf/vap/(966bb47e522e848021a38a20280e2386)∼056+june+17+human+trafficking+fact+sheet..Whereas chris kelly, the proposition’s co-sponsor and former chief privacy officer of facebook cited the passage of prop 35 as a dual victory for advocates of human trafficking and child safety alike (joseph and tucker 2012), opponents of the measure, including the american civil liberties union (aclu) and the electronic frontier foundation (eff) underscored its overgeneralizing terms, broad definitional reach, and violation of sex offenders’ constitutional rights to free speech. articles have raised important questions about the validity of prevalence data on human trafficking, exposing flawed methodologies behind frequently cited statistics. paradoxically, in israel, migrants with permits who embark on their journey as voluntary migrants are those who risk falling victim of trafficking. first, a human rights approach to trafficking as a private wrong would begin by strengthening protection and reorienting prosecution to serve protection rather than vice versa. in the interviews with the local practitioners it is revealed that what is framed as anti-trafficking policy in official policy-documents is both contested and reconstructed on the local level. here public commentators—ranging from journalists to anti-trafficking advocates, policymakers, and attorneys general—have cited backpage and craigslist as key facilitators of sex trafficking online, suggesting that third-party entities have directly profited from the commercial sexual exploitation of children (california department of justice 2012)—or what is now referred to as domestic minor sex trafficking (dmst)—and benefitted from the anonymity afforded by the internet7 (national public radio staff 2013). sum, slavery is wrong, but trafficking is not always slavery—and other forms of migration and labor often are. in other cases, young female migrants and potential border crossers are profiled and subjected to preemptive scrutiny and interdiction that impinges their freedom of movement in the name of protecting them from trafficking (global alliance, “collateral damage,” 2009). international sex trafficking is an especially egregious violation of almost every fundamental freedom enacted on especially vulnerable populations, other forms of labor exploitation and abuse are even more widespread and affect greater numbers of people.” the 4as denote heightened awareness and visibility of particular online sites assumed to promote trafficking, particularly sex trafficking, the amassment4 of data by law enforcement to pursue anti-trafficking investigations, theaugmentation of traditional surveillance techniques and tools, and the advancement of collaborative arrangements and technological innovation in the form of automated or algorithmic techniques. i suggest an interpretation of uk overseas anti-trafficking measures that foregrounds respatialized border and immigration controls. whether cases assumed to involve forced labor are filed under state or federal human trafficking statutes or if instead they are filed under different statutes, child pornography possession or distribution for instance, there has been increased focus on how to collect digital evidence and a corresponding focus on the types of tools and the kinds of partnerships that can augment law enforcement work in this area. this essay briefly introduces the topic of human trafficking, and provides an overview of three social movements that set important historical precedents for christian anti-trafficking activism in the present: 19th century abolitionist movements, late 19th- and early 20th-century social purity movements, and the late 20th century religious freedom movement. the essay will explore how anti-trafficking policies could be improved by better distinctions between forced and free sex work, the understudied linkages between other forms of migration and sexual exploitation, and a triage approach to all forms of labor exploitation—based on harms rather than type of labor or victim. in spite of their ostensible concern about the exploitation of women, these films present trafficking mostly as an occasion for the redemption and rehabilitation of the beleaguered white american male, appropriating the problem of trafficking in the service of a us-led neo-imperialism bolstered by masculinism and xenophobia, and implicitly problematising women’s independence and justifying the control of their movements and sexuality. annals of the american academy of political and social science:Special issue: human trafficking: recent empirical research edited by: ronald weitzer and sheldon x. we argue that global anti-trafficking initiatives as they have taken shape in the twenty-first century are part of neoliberal governance.
by combining qualitative content analysis and interpretative policy analysis with interviewconducted among practitioners working in this field in a local context, swedish antitrafficking policy is explored on different levels. what kinds of policies would support this deeper approach to trafficking and its associated forms of exploitation?↵6 scholars have consistently pointed out that not all human trafficking is sex trafficking, that sex work is sociolegally distinct from sex trafficking, and a combination of sketchy data (vance 2011), panics about irregular border crossing (chacón 2010) and a dismissal of women’s sexual labor and agency in the commercial sex trade (andrijasevic 2010) have contributed to empirically uninformed expectations that sex trafficking is a more egregious problem than other forms of labor exploitation. human trafficking is widely recognized as a global crime and an affront to democratic values and human rights; however, israeli labor migration evinces a complex relation between legitimate and illegitimate practices that culminate in forced labor, bondage, and the turning of “transported” labor migrants into trafficked human beings. we take as our point of departure their active resistance to the label of “victims of sex trafficking. notwithstanding, we believe that the theoretical arguments we advance in the paper regarding the contribution of a meso-level institutional analysis for understanding the conditions under which legal practices, official and legitimate actors and mechanisms catalyze trafficking in labor, can be applied and examined in other contexts. know that child abuse and neglect can affect mental health and wellbeing in childhood and beyond into adulthood (arseneault et al, 2011; nanni et al, 2012; sroufe et al, 2005). for police assigned to units whose investigations focus on prostitution and sex trafficking, surveillance has typically included in-person observation of street-based “tracks” or “strolls” where prostitution and commercial sex are assumed to take place. however, in comparison to both film viewers and anti-trafficking stakeholders she is cast as muted and lacking agency. trafficking frame also draws on the most palatable form of feminism, the struggle to end violence against women.. state department report shows signs of a modest conceptual breakthrough in the understanding of trafficking, along the lines suggested in this essay. some public policy and scholarly accounts, human trafficking is increasingly understood as a technological problem that invites collaborative anti-trafficking solutions..When technology and trafficking are referenced in mainstream media, the discussion tends to focus on the role of online classifieds advertising sites in facilitating sex trafficking of underage youth (kristof 2012). in this article, we refer to “human trafficking,” “sex trafficking,” “domestic minor sex trafficking,” and “trafficker” as defined by the united states trafficking victim protection act of 2000. we perform a structural analysis of this myth arguing that its acceptance, combined with the persistence of laws that define trafficking solely as the migration of prostitutes, has shifted public discussion towards a paradigm of passivity and law enforcement where members of certain social categories must be “educated to understand that they are victims” and their movements must be curtailed. exploitation and trafficking of women and girls in mexico: an analysis on impact of violence on health status. in addition to its ability to render trafficking more visible, technology is also understood as providing new tools to respond. al: data protection challenges in anti-trafficking policies – a practical guide, 2015. sex trafficking is properly defined as transborder subjugated commodification of female sexual services. attendant to these assumptions lies a corollary set of expectations that technology can be leveraged to disrupt trafficking, and that the efficacy of such disruption hinges on the promotion of public–private partnerships, heightened collaboration between state, non-profit, and corporate actors, and stepped-up internet and mobile surveillance of individuals suspected of facilitating and being victimized by the phenomenon. idea that technology needs to be leveraged to more effectively combat human trafficking in general and sex trafficking in particular has garnered heightened attention in anti-trafficking circles throughout the united states. how can we make sense of the regulatory purposes performed by semi-carceral institutions for trafficking victims? although organ trafficking is a major concern it is not representative of the phenomenon as a whole. new strategy outlines 5 goals for 5 years, to make 5 million children safer. article provides an overview of how trafficking in persons has come to be imagined in brazil. we stipulate that a mythical narrative has become central to discourses about trafficking used to guide policy-makers and educate civil society. and while we recite these words, thousands of women and children across the world are being trafficked as slaves across u.
while this is a welcome development, it is too often based on a distorted understanding of trafficking, violence, and globalization. antitrafficking efforts evince tensions between human rights approaches, which recognize labor migrants as victims of abuse and offense, and a utilitarian approach that places systematically employers and citizens’ interests over labor migrants’ rights. analytics comprises but one part of a growing repertoire of technologies that may be employed to assist law enforcement in identifying incidents of trafficking as well as other crimes. “sex trafficking, captivity, and narrative: constructing victimhood with the goal of salvation. meanwhile, others have documented the growth of a transnational anti-trafficking rescue industry (agustín 2007; gallagher 2011), highlighting how organized state, non-governmental, faith-based, and corporate anti-trafficking efforts have advanced a “neoliberal carceral agenda reliant upon punitive systems of control” (bernstein 2010, 67). this article analyses the positions of brazil, spain and portugal regarding the conceptualisation of “trafficking victim,” focusing on their legislation and policies, as well as on relevant narratives which show how these policies are being applied. during ridealongs with a unit charged with anti-trafficking and anti-prostitution efforts, musto observed this “show me your phone” practice. this paper argues that co-opting the organ trade into the ‘meta- narrative’ of human trafficking resists a wider critique of the phenomenon linking the emergence of a global market in organs to broader socio-economic conditions. moreover, trafficking in africa and the middle east is more likely to involve children, and to mix sexual exploitation with other forms of forced labor and even institutionalized slavery (united nations office on drugs and crime 2006), but both positive aid and legal assistance and negative u. the human trafficking definitions employed by the united nations protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children and its counterpart issued by the united states congress, the trafficking victims protection act, support a politically conservative agenda on migration and trafficking in human beings, with patriarchal emphasis placed on women and children. sexual violence is wrong, but trafficking is not always violent—and some of the violence comes from its suppression and illegality. while anti-trafficking funds and programs focus on the most visible and western-linked populations, more harmful forms of sexual exploitation are usually linked to poorer sending regions, greater gender inequity, servicing of other migrants or domestic indentured labor, and weak states. applying lind’s insights to the case of human trafficking, what becomes clear is that some anti-trafficking actors who have come together to address it wield “interpretive power” in distilling what counts as coercive and consensual forms of intimate relations, and determining which types of anti-trafficking interventions are best-equipped to assist individuals identified as victims. australia’s knowledge of victim/survivors’ help-seeking strategies will better inform government and community responses to this crime, improve detection and identification of human trafficking matters and subsequent referral to appropriate victim services. examination of trafficking and technology is itself a collaborative endeavor and weaves together our combined research on organized anti-trafficking activities in the united states (musto 2011, 2013) and ethnographic research on technology, social media, and youth practices (boyd 2014; palfrey, boyd, and sacco 2009). broadly, how could an enhanced analysis of the roots and nature of trafficking help to design better policies worldwide? we are looking for proposals that make a significant contribution to the evidence base and the potential for real impact. the largest flows of domestic labor trafficking are within the poorest countries and regions, africa, south asia, and the middle east., anti-trafficking policies framed to protect “innocent” women from sexual slavery ignore or slight prior sex workers or other women who migrate voluntarily to engage in sex work but are subsequently exploited.. enhancing child safety and online technologies: final report of the internet safety technical task force. according to the state department’s mandated annual trafficking in persons report for 2008, in 2008 the department of justice’s civil rights division and u. the significant emphasis given to the trafficking of brazilians to the sex industry of the iberian peninsula, the concepts of “victim of trafficking for sexual exploitation” used in these three countries vary. although women trafficked for sexual exploitation are especially at risk of abuse due to displacement, the number of women coerced or pressured into prostitution within their countries far exceeds trafficking victims, with little international attention or pressure. sexualized, individualistic myths regarding trafficking limit appropriate attention and response to victims of a wide range of globalized exploitation and coercion, including the intended beneficiaries of anti-trafficking efforts. prop 35 also raises questions about the kinds of interventions—technological or otherwise—that are assumed to assist those deemed most vulnerable to trafficking.. state department report on trafficking notes such non-sexual labor abuse, without offering a policy response parallel to anti-trafficking efforts:Some 20 to 30% of the world’s gold comes from artisanal mines throughout africa, south america, and asia…. anti-trafficking policies are systematically distorted by uninformed or biased analyses of sex work and the wider spectrum of forced labor.
this article uses football trafficking as a case study to think through the broader conception of mobile african male bodies in football migration and trafficking discourses.. human rights and human trafficking: a reflection on the influence and evolution of the u. is clear is that the best anti-trafficking policy is universal, indivisible human rights. understanding the mechanics of how these neoliberal governmentalities function is important to broader discussions about the ngo-ization of anti-trafficking efforts and the role that transnational actors play in shaping the discursive and material terms of sex workers’ and trafficked persons’ intimate relations, subjectivities, and agency (musto 2008, 2011). i discuss how the uk continues to strengthen its commitment to tackling trafficking in source and transit countries via stricter border and immigration control overseas. on qualitative research conducted with some female residents of a shelter for victims of trafficking located in lào cai, an urban centre on the northern vietnamese border with china, the intention, in this article, is to explore some of their expressed feelings and emotions., anti-trafficking policy should triage prosecution and protection more by level of harm than type of abuse. trafficking has become a high-profile, celebrity endorsed issue, attracting much international attention. significant numbers of male and female children are also enslaved on plantations, in informal factories, as domestic servants, as beggars, and as child soldiers.. trafficking victims protection act, perhaps the central single piece of legislation, trafficking is defined as “a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion”; under the bush administration, the u. it may be useful, as a cursory exercise, to map how particular technologies are used to engage or promote any number of activities,11 a singular focus on the medium alone fails to address these questions as does unapprised optimism about how technology can be leveraged to disrupt trafficking. the individualistic emphasis and sexual focus of anti-trafficking efforts fails to address the wider issue of structural violence and economic determinants of all forms of trafficking, labor abuse, and exploitive smuggling. considering that israel has become a significant importer of labor migration in the last two decades, we hope that a contextualized analysis of the local processes that facilitate the transnational business of trafficking in israel can better inform human trafficking policy and programs, which are swiftly proliferating in the regional and transnational scene. the online, ethnographic, and interview-based data that anchor this article were gathered by musto between june 2012 and january 2014 and derives from her intermittent observations and participation in anti-trafficking trainings, meetings, and forums that involved some discussion of technology. presumed technological visibility of trafficking offers new opportunities for tracing suspected traffickers’ digital footprints; here, the digital and data tracks left by mobile phone calls, text messages, financial transactions, gps patterns, automatic license plate readers, and geolocation data enable law enforcement to track suspected traffickers and to corroborate relationships between them and the individuals they are suspected of exploiting (boyd et al. first, it highlights the need to introduce into trafficking research a meso-level analysis that pays closer attention to institutional mechanisms, public and private actors’ logics of action and patterned interactions that make possible human trafficking and shape its meaning (kyle and dale, 2001). the narrative of trafficking has particularly salient features for contemporary western publics, vis-à-vis other types of human rights abuse. at the same time, one of the few genuine preventive measures that indicates both responsiveness and unmet need, the national human trafficking resource hotline, received a total of 4,147 calls, including more than 550 tips on possible human trafficking cases and nearly 400 requests for victim care referrals (http://www. in other words, this article asks, what is the social life of locally articulated anti-trafficking discourses? overall, anti-trafficking programs devote far more attention and resources to prosecution than protection, and still less to prevention. the tensions between anti-trafficking actors at this round table may be written off as contextually specific to california politics and although they were not expressly about technology per se, this exchange nonetheless underscores how heightened focus on technology promotes new types of expertise and also encourages new kinds of experts to join the anti-trafficking table. | victim/survivors of human trafficking involving partner migration employ diverse help-seeking strategies, both formal and informal, to exit their exploitative situations.. militarized humanitarianism meets carceral feminism: the politics of sex, rights, and freedom in contemporary antitrafficking campaigns. and because sociotechnical solutions arise out a technology industry which strives to maintain market advantage against competitors, it remains to be seen whether such an underlying ethos of competition can be temporarily bracketed and “closed circles” of technological knowledge opened to address trafficking (gallagher 2011). this article takes the uk anti-trafficking measures as a case study to explore the interaction between discourses of trafficked women’s vulnerability to sexual harm, and national vulnerability to external threats such as organized crime. political and economic transition from communism and the global sex trafficking crisis: a case study of moldova. in what ways does the dominant anti-sex trafficking discourse of ‘protection’ and ‘rescue’ intersect with gendered notions of belonging and citizenship?