Research proposal on child trafficking


collaboration between state and non-state actors is an example of an anti-trafficking technology, one that has put multi-professional cooperation in the service of neoliberal governance. the analysis of the legal swedish framework and one national anti-trafficking action plan suggests that the swedish fight against trafficking is strictly interlinked with another fight, one against prostitution. modern slavery: a comparative study of the definition of trafficking in persons. and, ultimately, what can a study of gendered carceral practices tell us about the problems and paradoxes of trafficking control?. human trafficking online: the role of social networking sites and online classifieds., jonathan (2013): human rights, labor, and the prevention of human trafficking: a response to a labor paradigm for human trafficking. hence, these films participate in the general securitisation of trafficking discourse in which the us has been a leader. the newfound framing of trafficking as a technological problem also reproduces discursive expectations that anti-prostitution sentiments—what are commonly referred to as “abolitionist” feminist perspectives (chuang 2010)—in tandem with criminal justice interventions (bernstein 2010) are the most efficacious way to respond. “gendered discipline and protective custody of trafficking victims in asia. for example, the ilo estimates there are nearly 700,000 child domestic workers in indonesia alone, and human rights watch has identified that country as one in which a large number of such workers face “slave-like conditions,” including frequent physical and sexual abuse (“swept under the rug: abuses against domestic workers worldwide,” 2006) this is a far larger and more vulnerable affected population in one country than the maximal estimates of eastern european women trafficked to the west for sexual exploitation.-state-sanctioned anti-trafficking activities also raise questions about their impact on individuals seen as vulnerable to online and network-facilitated forms of exploitation and the legal and social repercussions that befall individuals suspected of facilitating such activities. this problem representation also obscures the role governments in destination countries may play in causing trafficking through imposing restrictive migration regimes that render migrants vulnerable to traffickers..–mexico border, the problem is exacerbated by a failure on both sides to distinguish smuggling from trafficking, resulting in u. close examination of the trafficking-technology nexus and the sociotechnical interventions initiated on behalf of victims of trafficking in the united states also gestures toward broader tensions that undergird anti-trafficking politics, especially the tenuous lines and perpetually contested boundaries that exist between security and surveillance, protection and punishment, and safety and social control.. report explicitly states that prior employment in sex work for adults or parental consent to exploitation of children should not diminish accountability for forced labor. but what we are suggesting is that the deployment of sociotechnical interventions shifts the discursive and material terrain of anti-trafficking in important new ways and failure to “come to terms with the digital” (bauman and lyon 2013, 35), the algorithmic (gillespie 2014), and the networked dimensions of anti-trafficking (thakor and boyd 2013) not only risks missing out on “whole swaths of significant cultural” (bauman and lyon 2013, 35) activities, but it also risks failing to grasp the ways in which technological mediation is changing the terms on which carceral, punitive, and protective anti-trafficking interventions are staged. our latest research, leaflets, guidance and evaluations that share what we've learned from our services for children and families. the declaration by the united nations that awareness raising should be a key part of efforts to combat human trafficking, government and non-government organizations have produced numerous public awareness campaigns designed to capture the public’s attention and sympathy.. state department estimates that up to 820,000 men, women, and children (are) trafficked internationally each year while the international organization for migration cites a rough figure of 800,000 (u. million people are victims of commercial sexual servitude worldwide, though this includes both transnational and domestic trafficking. in 2008, a guinean child told the associated press he was promised a day for his work in a gold mine but received only after six months of backbreaking, coerced, and hazardous labor. next, i explore two of the anti-trafficking frameworks that underlie much christian anti-trafficking activism and advocacy in the u. to human trafficking among the roma population in serbia: the role of social exclusion and marginalization. publication offers an overview of the relevant european data protection provisions, a methodology to conduct privacy impact assessments for anti-trafficking ngo service providers, an analysis for the privacy rights claims for trafficked persons, and data protection standards for ngo service providers. as stated by richards (2004:160), “markets with a tolerance for restriction on freedom of movement, withholding wages and inhumane or unsafe working conditions” form opportunistic environments for the emergence of trafficking practices. children who have been abused need the right kind of support, at the right time. i explore how the government’s moralistic response to trafficking reflects a particular form of regulation that animates new systems of governmentality and biopower.

Grant Opportunity: Research on Male Victims of Human Trafficking

for research proposals on what helps children get back on track after abuse. in the absence of a critical apparatus that meaningfully grapples with intersecting race, class, and gender inequalities—or which reflects upon how anti-trafficking sociotechnical interventions emerge alongside a late modern landscape punctuated by the growth of both the surveillance and carceral state (bernstein 2010; ohm 2012) the biases and inequalities that exist in physical environments are likely to be reproduced and further embedded within anticipatory sociotechnical modalities designed to combat trafficking or any other type of exploitation. in a 2012 report released by the california attorney general8 and the california department of justice, for instance, the authors write: “nowhere is the growth of sex trafficking on the internet more apparent than on classified advertisements sites” (california department of justice 2012, 25).  her article asserts that to achieve greater success in preventing human trafficking, a labor approach is necessary to address “structural labor market conditions and practices that shape workers’ vulnerability and inferior bargaining power in the workplace. the other hand, protection for victims of coercion may be more effective under a broader rubric of refugee status rather than the narrower trafficking niche with expanded status for “well-founded fear of persecution” by non-state and transnational actors. since 2011, a sizeable cohort of state, non-governmental, and corporate actors in the united states have come together around the shared contention that technology functions as both a facilitator and disrupting force of trafficking, particularly sex trafficking. the bad news is that almost a decade of anti-trafficking programs have done little to reduce the incidence or the harm of the phenomenon, and may even have diverted attention from root causes of trafficking itself and equally harmful practices of labor exploitation affecting greater numbers. however, the research we present here shows how much work remains to be done, particularly in trafficking cases that are less well known, such as trafficking for exploiting victims in criminal activities.. the posthuman anti-trafficking turn: technology, domestic minor sex trafficking, and augmented human–machine alliances.↵15 at an october 11, 2012, public presentation at rice university, ambassador luis cdebaca discussed the role of corporate responsibility in combating human trafficking where “friendly competition” between companies was framed as the right thing to do and which may also be good for business. such oscillation finds significant correspondence at two broader levels, that of vietnamese society and of the international ideological discourse of human trafficking, which both present a stigmatizing, yet compassionate, approach to the returnees of trafficking. fully grasp how and why technology has emerged as a key point of interest within dominant anti-trafficking discussions, a brief focus on the role of collaboration is needed. although most in-person observations primarily took place in the west coast region of the united states, she additionally participated in on and offline meetings and phone call discussions about anti-trafficking activities in the midwest, east coast, and southwestern regions of the united states. though we use these terms for referential purposes, we remain cognizant that “trafficking,” as both a juridical term and empirical descriptor is conceptually cumbersome. disproportionate emphasis on trafficking within the migration policy also slights the wider set of persons exploited and abused across borders., we are concerned by how technologically mediated anti-trafficking interventions appear to blur the boundaries between sex trafficking and sex work and subject individuals deemed “at-risk” to new forms of surveillance. by imagining trafficking as a technological problem and expecting technology to be able to solve it, extant ideological and political fault lines, whether between anti-trafficking advocates and sex workers’ rights groups or among well-established anti-trafficking experts and moral entrepreneur newcomers are mirrored and magnified. while sweetie was created to draw attention to and curb webcam child sex tourism, the deployment of honey traps may also be used to pursue sex trafficking leads, for instance when law enforcement create fake ads on sites like backpage to arrest suspected clients (new york daily news, june 14, 2013). trafficking inspires strong responses from feminists and other interested parties. recognition of some of the structural determinants of trafficking has not yet registered in appropriate policies or a deeper reorientation. what technology unambiguously offers is heightened visibility, awareness, and accessibility, and debates surrounding online classified ad sites have solidified expectations that trafficking and trafficked persons can be observed, monitored, and digitally traced to disrupt exploitation in its tracks.. governmental efforts to stimulate private-sector anti-trafficking initiatives and technological innovations help explain why google, microsoft, palantir, and yahoo! study sets out to explore swedish anti-trafficking policy, both how it is defined in official policy-documents as well as on the local level. specifically, we must disable the mechanisms of subjugation by gender—multiplied by race, class, and caste—that enable exploitation, and if we want to diminish the harms of trafficking, we must reduce the violence, stigma, and second-class citizenship of subjugated women and sex workers, not seek to eradicate commercial sex.: trafficking, sex work, and hiv: efforts to resolve conflicts, in: the lancet, 2014.-trafficking policies depart from an assumption of free individual women or parents on behalf of children, who are coerced or egregiously misled to be smuggled across borders, and then continuously pressured and abused to engage in sex work. by designating certain technologies as potentially dangerous vectors for exploitation and criminality, anti-trafficking actors have expanded their “interpretive powers” (lind 2011, 53) by conjoining technological concerns with an anti-prostitution, law-enforcement agenda.

  • Research on Human Trafficking

    “anti-trafficking and its discontents: women’s migrations and work in an indian borderland. the lawsuit not only raises pressing constitutional questions (risher 2013), but puts into sharp focus how public concerns about trafficking and voter anxieties about suspected traffickers’ use of technology have colluded in advancing new legislative and criminal justice tools geared toward enhancing the surveillance of suspected traffickers and prospective victims alike. drawing on primary research conducted by lyneham and richards (forthcoming), the authors highlight the importance of educating the community and professionals from a wide range of sectors—including health, mental health, child protection, social welfare, social work, domestic violence, migration, legal and law enforcement services—about human trafficking and the help-seeking strategies of victims/survivors in order to support them to leave exploitative situations..–mexico fight against human trafficking and smuggling: unintended results of u. “use and misuse of research in books on sex trafficking implications for interdisciplinary researchers, practitioners, and advocates. and the economic and social research council (esrc) are calling for research proposals that address our shared interest in mental health, and help meet the nspcc's goal of helping children get back on track after abuse. drawing on feminist engagements with human trafficking and commercial sex, my aim is to contribute to these debates. but in order to gain access to other parts of the evidentiary puzzle, law enforcement look to individuals presumed to be potential victims of trafficking or those with ties to suspected trafficker-pimps to collect digital and mobile evidence. “anti-trafficking (ill-)efforts the legal regulation of women’s bodies and relationships in cambodia. here again prop 35 is instructive to understanding both the neoliberal dispersal of state authority to non-state experts and the ways in which non-state experts wield increasing political power, social capital, and interpretive authority in shaping the terms of trafficking and applying market-based solutions to address it (miller and rose 2008, 148). european ngo initiative datact – data protection in anti-trafficking action published the practical guide “data protection challenges in anti-trafficking policies”. article undertakes a critical analysis of counter-trafficking measures in italy, particularly the social protection program introduced under the 1998 migration law for victims experiencing violence and “extreme exploitation”, in relation to the experiences of nigerian sex workers in the city of turin. assessment of the 4as and the trafficking-technology nexus has purchase for students of gender, sexuality, and neoliberal modes of governance by demonstrating how attention to technology as both the source and solution to it has simultaneously advanced a tri-part anti-trafficking response, one animated by a “law and order agenda” (bernstein 2007a, 143), operationalized by surveillant technologies and regimes (lyon 2010, 330), and maintained through the integration of technology experts and advocates into state anti-trafficking efforts. from 12 in-depth interviews and two focus groups with prosecutors, attorneys, victim advocates, social service providers, and police in an urban midwestern city, challenges to identifying and prosecuting sex trafficking cases are examined. against this backdrop i attempt to advance feminist perspectives on trafficking by demonstrating the relationality between uk anti-trafficking measures, and its plans to reorganize its regulatory capacity overseas. a brief overview of the history of antitrafficking policy and contemporary international measures relating to swedish legislation on trafficking provides a glimpse into the contested meanings of these measures. even religious and some feminist advocates predisposed to attribute inherent harm to sex work should realize that greater attention to mitigating the harms of non-sexual labor should indirectly decrease sex trafficking by improving the alternatives for a vulnerable population. this theory-building exercise utilizes world system and intersectional theoretical frameworks to examine the implications of geo-political policies and unequal development on lived experience affected by the intersection of massive latino migration; poverty; gender inequalities and vulnerabilities; and latino sex trafficking. “challenges to identifying and prosecuting sex trafficking cases in the midwest united states. childhood trauma and children's emerging psychotic symptoms: a genetically sensitive longitudinal cohort study. this paper focuses on the relations human trafficking films establish between ‘victims’, viewers and anti-trafficking stakeholders in creating an intimate anti-trafficking public in singapore. a broad coalition of child safety and anti-trafficking advocates have also rallied against backpage (and craigslist predating the closure of its adult services section in 2010), arguing that the mediated technologies these sites support make it far too easy to advertise the services of exploited individuals and for sellers to connect with potential purchasers.. limits special protective visas for trafficking victims to 5,000 per year and actually grants only several hundred (crs report for congress 2010). investigation of the intermediary system in global migration and the range of public and private agents that facilitate trafficking are crucial, particularly in light of the tendency to portray trafficking as a result of either transnational and global networks or individualized criminal actions (salt, 2000; kyle and dale, 2001). utilization of a “4a” framework to account for these trends is purposeful: in policy and advocacy circles, shorthand alliterative slogans circulate to define anti-trafficking “best practices” and are used to bracket the parameters of state and non-state responses.  we also agree that a labor perspective, which incorporates labor rights, has value in the human trafficking context. i show that the government’s preoccupation with building capacity to prevent trafficking ‘at source’ segues into strategic governmentality that stretches uk biopower extraterritorially.
  • Ohio human trafficking prevalance study funding 2016 request for

    in particular, a strong focus on the demand for commercial sex as causative of human trafficking serves to obscure the problematic role of consumerism in a wide range of industries, and perpetuates an understanding of trafficking that fails to draw a necessary distinction between the demand for labour, and the demand for ‘exploitable’ labour., ulrike (2013): identification of victims of trafficking in human beings in international protection and forced return procedures. paper critically examines how the organ trade fits into the human trafficking discourse. however, the issue of trafficking in sex work has been singled out, its scale and potential for harm frequently mis-stated or exaggerated to bolster antiprostitution arguments, inflame public opinion, and justify repressive and counterproductive police action., although not the focus of this article, our analysis suggests that local ngos, advocacy networks, professionals and international standards and tools can be crucial in prompting antitrafficking campaigns. advent of anti-trafficking collaborations and the creation of cooperative state, non-governmental, faith-based, and corporate networks, task forces, and alliances (bernstein 2010) follow neoliberal incursions into the management of intimate relations as well as the “privatization of social welfare and marketization of political and social life” (marchand and sisson runyan 2011, 4), what lind aptly describes as “neoliberal governmentalities. yet these trends are also crucial for unpacking how technology shifts scholarly understanding about trafficking, particularly sex trafficking, because technology creates new forms of visibility, surveillance, exclusion, and expertise. while an in-depth discussion about predictive and anticipatory policing remains outside the scope of this article (see, for example, ferguson 2013), what the aforementioned examples suggest is that third-party vendors are likely to play an increasingly important role in shaping the terms, conceptual frames, and algorithmic boundaries of how law enforcement evaluate and assess risk—whether that assessment entails profiling individuals seen “at risk” for perpetrating a crime like trafficking or whether it is based on evaluating an individual’s risk for victimization. trafficking and the sex trade industry: the processes and experiences of nepali women. our research aimed to better understand the processes of trafficking for criminal exploitation and to determine whether the criminal justice system is prepared to detect and protect victims of such processes. have all entered the anti-trafficking space; it is pitched as making good business and corporate philanthropic sense to do so. tracing the impact of these trends is crucial, especially considering the underlying gendered, racial, and cultural expectations that inflect anti-trafficking victim and offender identification efforts (hua and nigorizawa 2010) and given the fact that it has overwhelmingly been “people of color involved in the street-based sexual economy—including pimps, clients, and sex workers alike” (bernstein 2007a, 2010) who have been subject to heightened state surveillance and carceral punishment under the auspices of fighting trafficking. a growing cohort of state, non-governmental, and corporate actors in the united states have come together around the shared contention that technology functions as both a facilitator and disrupting force of trafficking, specifically sex trafficking. linder, julia planitzer, astrid steinkellner (2014): corporate social  responsibility to prevent  human trafficking the construction sector in austria – a mapping, ilo. while there has been ample attention to child labor in export-oriented industrial sweatshops, for example, there has been much less coverage of routine domestic and intraregional child labor on plantations and in mines., a report by the global alliance against trafficking shows that anti-trafficking programs too often impinge the rights of the people they are supposed to help. trafficking is now widely recognised as a complex issue, which requires. have begun to explore how anti-trafficking actors understand and utilize technology to disrupt human trafficking (latonero 2011;latonero et al. thus, this study argues that swedish anti-trafficking policy is far from a straightforward matter.’s eastern border areas with bangladesh has been the target of concerted anti-trafficking interventions for decades now, to stop human trafficking from bangladesh into india transiting through these areas, and also of girls and women from these areas to other parts of the country. intimate anti-trafficking publics can emerge through the harnessing of negative emotions that, in this case, privilege the plight- but not the agency – of the female child trafficking victim and are inculcated through film storylines and cinematic performances. the two million children who work in goldmines worldwide, many are forced, often through debt bondage, to do back-breaking work in hazardous conditions. paper argues that potential cases of oppression, such as sex trafficking, can sometimes comprise autonomous choices by the trafficked individuals. proponents of the measure viewed it as a key way to strengthen the state’s response to human trafficking—a term which broadly refers to exceptionally exploitive labor practices. sex, slavery and the trafficked woman: myths and misconceptions about trafficking and its victims. for mahdavi, an analysis of prop 35 demonstrates how public concerns about trafficking have discursively framed some people as victims in need of rescue and others as “villains in need of monitoring or surveillance” (mahdavi 2014, 8). there has not, however, been a similar degree of attention to how technologies and innovative tools are being leveraged to observe and keep digital tabs on individuals seen at risk of trafficking, including sex trade involved youth and adults.
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  • Human Trafficking: New Directions for Research

    in europe, some of these women’s situations fit the legal definitions of trafficking, and they were categorized as “victims of human trafficking”; others were categorized as undocumented migrants—“criminals” guilty of violating immigration laws. we offer one additional note about terminology: while “human trafficking” encapsulates forced labor practices for sexual and non-sexual purposes, data presented here focus primarily on domestic minor sex trafficking (dmst). article examines different types of comparative research designs as applied to either prostitution or sex trafficking. we should also consider whether predictive analytics, automation, and heightened dependency on augmented surveillant regimes (lyon 2010) all in the name of securing trafficked persons’ identification and protection is in fact the best way to assist them or if instead these technologies and the actors who advance them will continue to collapse and confuse—albeit on a larger, more diffuse, and multivalent scale—voluntary sex workers with forced victims of sex trafficking and trafficker-pimps with sex trade market-facilitators (marcus et al. foregrounding trafficking as a problem of technology, new forms of expertise and new kinds of experts emerge to join organized anti-trafficking activities (musto 2014). corruption and criminality should not overshadow the ways in which institutional configurations that favor privatized recruitment policies and official mechanisms that work consistently to the benefit of employers (such as the binding system and the threat of automatic deportation), coupled with flimsy state prosecution of law-breaking employers, have provided the means and the opportunity for the legal labor migration system to degenerate into a human trafficking industry. deeper analysis of the differential response to trafficking may permit a more complete understanding and commensurate response to exploitation and abuse. i bring literature on borders and borderlands to bear on the challenges faced by migrant women in a south asian borderland as they encounter multiple forms of social control, which include a combination of anti-trafficking and anti-migration discourses. this article presents an ethnographic examination of such an anti-trafficking campaign in tandem with migrant women’s responses to and negotiations of these influential interventions, as they live out its consequences in their migration experiences and upon return to their rural homes. that law enforcement had sufficient technological training and resources to collect and analyze the asynchronous and semi-synchronous digital traces left behind by individuals suspected of trafficking, they could, in principle, have access to a treasure trove of material and an “evidentiary goldmine” with which to build cases against traffickers and pimps (latonero et al. international policy currently adopted to combat the growing phenomenon of trafficking in human beings (thb) is victim centred. paper 56 focuses on the identification of victims of human trafficking from third countries in the asylum process and in the event of forced return, including general conditions under criminal, asylum and residence act. but, our institutional analysis also shows that the conditions for trafficking cannot be fully explained merely by the existence of fraud, deceit, and abusive practices driven by profit seeking.’ framework for examining the politicization of problem representation in 18 anti-trafficking awareness campaigns. this is paradoxical because the visibility and non-password protected accessibility of online classified ad sites like backpage have allowed law enforcement, technology innovators, and non-state actors to occupy, trawl, mine data, and monitor individuals seen at risk for trafficking as well as those suspected of trafficking and pimping. richards and samantha lyneham (2014): help-seeking strategies of victim/survivors of human trafficking involving partner migration. united states should be the best case for anti-trafficking efforts, since it has a willing and relatively effective state, legislation in place since 2001 and an attentive civil society coalition of religious, feminist, and human rights advocates for trafficking victims. in a subsequent interview with a member of the faith-based group, the interview participant explained to musto that her organization has developed their own procedure for identifying victims of trafficking. we’ve spent a lot of time with a lot of different experts, including d’lita [trafficking survivor], and people who have experienced this themselves (proposition 35 transcript 2012). in south america, children reportedly wash gold while standing in waist-deep water contaminated by mercury., by assuming that it is primarily women and girls trafficked into sex slavery, anti-trafficking actors have consolidated dominant expectations that certain sexual behaviors are extra-ordinarily risky and therefore require more robust multi-professional intervention by the state and its allies. in this article, we propose that widespread anxieties and overzealous optimism about technology’s role in facilitating and disrupting trafficking have simultaneously promoted a tri-part anti-trafficking response, one animated by a law and order agenda, operationalized through augmented internet, mobile, and networked surveillance, and maintained through the integration of technology experts and advocates into organized anti-trafficking efforts. some anti-trafficking actors in canada, for instance, have devised an outreach effort based on scraping data off of the site to connect with potential victims of trafficking. though some mainstream anti-trafficking actors benefit from technology by cultivating powerful networks, some “lament what they have lost,” particularly the power to influence and maintain control over the terms on which anti-trafficking claims are made (thakor and boyd 2013, 288).: developments in trafficking in human beings for the purpose of labour exploitation and forced labour, published by the institute of international relations, prague 2013. moralistic approaches to trafficking, which prioritize different values of national security, cultural norms, and universal human dignity, but traffickers are not just criminals who can be suppressed by law and order but delegated agents of social control in exploitive systems of labor. all forms of labor are linked to sexual abuse in conditions of gender inequity, the best remedy and prevention for the harms of trafficking and other forms of sexual exploitation is programs and policies to increase women’s incomes, educations, and reproductive freedoms.
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Research Proposal Human Trafficking (1) | shovon mansoor


. us sex trafficking, women’s human rights and the politics of representation. challenges to identification included trafficking techniques such as coercion, online solicitation, hidden venues, and interstate movement, as well as issues with police reporting and investigation., 2, 3, 4 and 5 conflation of sex work with trafficking leads not only to difficulties with definition and harm to sex workers on the ground, but also to conflicts that undermine hiv prevention. the introduction of federal and state anti-trafficking legislation since the year 2000 offers partial explanation as to why law enforcement have bolstered anti-trafficking efforts and by extension, anti-prostitution and anti-pornography surveillance tactics in recent years. traffickers in the democratic republic of the congo subject children to debt bondage in gold mines, forcing them to work nine to ten hours daily digging tunnels and open-pit mines. to date, little research has examined these trends together, nor explored how and in what ways anti-trafficking technologies in tandem with organized efforts mediated by and through innovative platforms (e. the case of anti-trafficking,” international journal of social science and humanity vol. the political economy of latino sex trafficking in the united states.↵14 when technology emerges as a key feature of anti-trafficking work, actors must compete to maintain their influence by demonstrating dexterity in the logics of efficiency, expertise, entrepreneurship and technical fluency. co-panelist at the round table, chris kelly, affirmed that much of the tension surrounding prop 35 came down to competing ideas about who qualifies as an anti-trafficking expert:some who are opposing prop 35 have tried to say that they’re the only experts out there. article examines the intersection of state policies, private brokers and local employers that fuels trafficking practices and forced labor of legal labor migrants. this systematic review reports on the prevalence data used in 42 recently published books on sex trafficking to determine the extent to which published books rely on data estimates and just how they use or misuse existing data. these campaigns represent the ‘problem’ of trafficking in specific ways, creating heroes and villains by placing the blame for trafficking on some, whilst obscuring the responsibility of others. approximately 13% of female interviewees felt that they had been subject to different perceptions and experiences of exploitation, ranging from extreme cases of trafficking to relatively more consensual arrangements. our analysis demonstrates how systemic features – and not necessarily or solely criminal activities – catalyze trafficking practices taking place first and foremost within the realm of legal migration. 4a trends of anti-trafficking sociotechnical innovation demand our attention since they expand social class categories by reanimating preexisting hierarches. “beneath the organ trade: a critical analysis of the organ trafficking discourse..Christian involvement with advocacy and activism on human trafficking, an umbrella category that refers to the variety of processes by which individuals become enslaved, has proliferated during the last 15 years. we want to ensure their development is not derailed by poor mental health – an outcome that could stop children reaching their potential to become healthy, happy adults and active members of society.. the ngo-ification of the anti-trafficking movement in the united states: a case study of the coalition to abolish slavery and trafficking. the report now begins with a broader discussion of forced labor that frames transnational prostitution as one facet of trafficking, and the 2008 legislation encompasses fraud and exploitation following voluntary migration.. attorneys’ offices initiated 183 investigations, charged 82 individuals, and obtained 77 convictions in 40 human trafficking cases (13 labor trafficking, 27 sex trafficking). since all forms of migration are potentially exploitive, strengthening labor rights and labor organizations of all migrants—including sex workers’ organizations—is an anti-trafficking and a human rights strategy. in the sections that follow, we take up these concerns in more detail by examining what we refer to as the trafficking-technology nexus. new research programme aims to boost what we know about what works to help children after abuse and neglect. while this does happen to some extent with the priority granted to prosecuting sexual exploitation of children, a triage by harms mandates a broader shift in the regional and demographic focus of receiving country and international institution programs. out how we evaluate and research the impact we’re making in protecting children, get tips and tools for researchers and access resources.

A study of relationships between socioeconomic indicators and rates

patriarchal stereotypes, domestic violence, domestic employment inequity, informalization of female-typed labor in both sending and receiving countries, feminization of poverty in transitional economies, and shortfalls in social support services that differentially affect women are all linked to higher rates and harms of trafficking (http://​www. in this article, we have drawn attention to the intersection of state policies, legitimate private brokers, and local employers at the receiving end of labor migration, and how they interact in fueling trafficking practices and forced labor. it showcases how the incompatible definitions being used compromise genuine anti-trafficking actions and may be an indicator that stopping trafficking may not be the primary concern of the policies developed by these governments., through an in-depth analysis of the israeli case, we documented how corruption in state and non-state actors (from active involvement in corrupt practices to passivity that tolerates the abuse of public power) allows abuse and exploitation to take place and feeds the industry of labor migration trafficking. you're worried about a child, even if you're unsure, contact our professional counsellors 24/7 for help, advice and support. and the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) are calling for research proposals that contribute to our joint interests in mental health. at least ten respondents had been victims of trafficking, and not only were they not identified as such by legal authorities, they were also imprisoned for a crime that their traffickers forced them to commit. i argue that the third world girl is rendered a moral object of sympathy both through trafficking film and performances by anti-trafficking stakeholders in the cinema. yet increased interest to the ways in which sociotechnical innovation can be used to address trafficking follows broader neoliberal and policing trends where shrinking federal and state budgets have prompted law enforcement agencies to look to for-profit data-handling organizations to supplement certain aspects of police work (ferguson 2013; lyon 2010, 326).., online classified ad sites) that have made trafficking visible and which have expanded the terms on which anti-trafficking claims are made (thakor and boyd 2014) are the same platforms some attorneys general and advocates are working to shut down. many parts of asia, critics have noted the common but hitherto under-researched practices of detaining victims of human trafficking in semi-carceral institutions or ‘shelters’, in the name of victim protection and rescue. similarly, the vast majority of policy seeks source suppression rather than demand control, with the sole exception of extraterritorial criminalization of child sex tourism by many developed countries. if trafficking source and transit countries wish to benefit from financial aid, then, they must adopt a neoliberal model, police their borders and prevent migrants leaving their shores and troubling the uk. authors wish to acknowledge and extend our deep appreciation to wellesley college, rice university’s human trafficking seminar, and microsoft research for their generous support of this research. and iom reports often note the middle east’s status as a destination area for trafficking in women and labor, but scant research exists on trafficking in the middle east in general, and in israel in particular (calandruccio, 2005; limoncelli, 2009). they also provoke questions as to how carcerally orchestrated anti-trafficking efforts morph and are redefined by new technologies and shifting investigative strategies. the augmentation of various types of police work by non-state actors in the trafficking space is still in its infancy and it is therefore too soon to gauge what its overall impact will be. while no conclusive data exist as to whether online classified sites increase experiences of exploitation—and although it is plausible to assume that any number of technologies may be used by individuals in any number of activities defined as criminal—what online classified ad sites like backpage provide anti-trafficking actors is a visible and widely accessible platform through which to make their anti-trafficking claims (musto 2014). the past 15 years, sex trafficking has gained tremendous media exposure and triggered a global abolitionist movement directed by an unlikely coalition of american evangelical christians and radical feminists (bernstein 2007, 2010). more specifically, the coercive model of trafficking dodges a deeper analysis of globalization’s structural pressures on decision making in households and social delegation of authority over women to households rather than state authorities in a kind of embedded second-class citizenship (brysk 2005). what is further at play among mainstream anti-trafficking actors is a shared vision ofinevitabilities: that more law enforcement orchestrated, third-party augmented information sharing platforms and surveillance activities is necessary, that the market and the neoliberal logics that shape it are the most efficient way to address the issue, and that expert interventions will lead to trafficked persons’ empowerment and justice. countries, such as the united states, have created economic and trade policies which encourage latino migration for cheap, exploitable labor and new demands for latino sex trafficking within the united states to serve new destination male migration communities. information service provides quick and easy access to the latest child protection research, policy and practice. “a microsimulation model to assess the impact of prevention efforts to combat sex trafficking out of five eastern european states.. the social construction of sex trafficking: ideology and institutionalization of a moral crusade. these developments emerge alongside other trends whereby an ever-expanding network of actors have attached themselves to the trafficking cause and formed new partnerships foregrounded in the belief that human trafficking is everyone’s mutual problem, and that public–private partnerships, entrepreneurial business models, and the cultivation of sociotechnical solutions are the most efficacious ways to respond (bernstein 2010; slavery footprint—made in a free world 2012; thorn 2012). first, we approach these topics with an interest in expanding scholarly understanding about trafficking and technology given the sizeable number of sociotechnical initiatives that have developed in recent years and since scholarly assessments of these efforts remain limited.


Research proposal on child abuse - Experience Best Custom

specifically, i highlight how it represents trafficking as a gendered form modern-day slavery perpetuated by foreign men against poor women. yet, its record under the bush administration clearly shows the limitations of traditional concepts of trafficking to address the problem (we will consider below how such concepts may be changing under the new administration).. policy has even gone so far as to deny funding to health, migration, and sex worker assistance organizations for anti-trafficking and hiv prevention programs if such ngos tolerate or advocate decriminalization of commercial sex work, unless the agencies explicitly condemn prostitution. the challenge is to ensure that trafficking is not marginalized from such forms of empowerment and relegated to a humanitarian ghetto, and that undocumented migrants are not legally or socially isolated from state protection and self-defense.. soft glove, punishing fist: the trafficking victims protection act of 2000. the article shows that migrant women contest the victimization paradigm of the trafficking discourse, and that representations and embodied practices become central to establishing reputation within social networks across spaces in such contestations. as one of the most mainstream american organizations ties trafficking to “american values”:We tell our children about the slave trade of africans to the americas. “migration, sex work and exploitative labor conditions experiences of nigerian women in the sex industry in turin, italy, and counter-trafficking measures.↵1 the language used to describe human trafficking in general and to distinguish sex trafficking from voluntary sex work is fraught by definitional confusion (see, for instance, chuang 2010; marcus et al. it is well-established that state and non-governmental actors have played a crucial role in shaping the political terms of trafficking, both by myopically focusing attention on sex trafficking,6 and foregrounding all forms of commercial sex as innately exploitative, dangerous and traumatic (farley 2003, 2007; jeffreys 2010;mackinnon 2011). that this vision of justice does not include a comprehensive discussion of the ways in which neoliberal governmentalities render individuals vulnerable to trafficking is one blind spot (bernstein 2010). pardis mahdavi’s book, from trafficking to terror (2014), she highlights how prop 35’s passage relied upon moral and racialized panics not dissimilar to those that have accompanied the wars on terror, trafficking, and white slavery. however, when combined with increasing restrictions on migration and sex work, the counter-trafficking measures actually increase the vulnerability of the majority of migrant sex workers, and strengthen the networks of traffickers.. aid conditionality, and human rights network campaigns have inspired dozens of countries to prohibit trafficking in persons.. institutionalizing protection, professionalizing victim management: explorations of multi-professional anti-trafficking efforts in the netherlands and the united states., adriana; raijman, rebeca: bringing in state regulations, private brokers, and local employers: a meso-level analysis of labor trafficking in israel, in: international migration review, july 2014. has policy seized so narrowly on trafficking and adopted such a partial perspective on the nature and sources of the phenomenon?. reconceptualizing approaches to human trafficking: new directions and perspectives from the field(s). juxtaposing these women’s self-making projects with the transnational state apparatus to combat “sex trafficking,” we gain insights into how individual pursuits and state practices intersect at this neoliberal moment—despite their different purposes. childhood maltreatment predicts unfavorable course of illness and treatment outcome in depression: a meta-analysis. we argue that widespread anxieties and overzealous optimism about technology’s role in facilitating and disrupting trafficking belie other pressing shifts taking shape in the united states, trends we refer to as the “4as” and which define the contours of the trafficking-technology nexus. like other forms of labor migration, sex trafficking follows dual market and organizational logics, supply and demand plus availability of smuggling and receiving networks. together, these examples highlight why discussions centered on shutting down particular technological platforms fail to account for the myriad ways in which their visibility has inspired collaborative governmentalities between state and non-state actors, arrangements that ought to instead prompt discussions about what, if any, types of anti-trafficking activities non-state actors should perform and what legal guidelines should dictate the kinds of data they share with the state? musto also conducted nineteen interviews and six informal discussions with law enforcement, non-governmental actors, technology innovators, attorneys, and advocates whose work addresses trafficking in the united states. as a 2012 state of human trafficking report released by the california attorney general describes:traditional law enforcement tools should be supplemented with innovative investigative techniques…while technology is being used to perpetrate human trafficking, that same technology can provide a digital trail. what is additionally limiting is that these anti-trafficking alliances privilege professionalized expertise and may bypass the most practical of considerations. similarly at the global level, some health workers and scholars believe that an overemphasis on trafficking hinders hiv prevention and empowerment of sex workers to protect themselves, as well as stigmatizing prostitutes on the basis of religiously based ideology (pisani 2008).

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trafficking as a technological problem additionally invites competition between different actors. it is assumed that such women were not and would not engage voluntarily in sex work, that other employment options do not exist or are not exploitive, and that trafficking is uniquely harmful due to its nature. missing bodies, migrant labour exploitation, and the classification of trafficking victims in singapore. szörényi & penelope eate (2014) saving virgins, saving the usa: heteronormative masculinities and the securitisation of trafficking discourse in mainstream narrative film, social semiotics, 24:5, 608-622, doi: 10. article illuminates the complex ways whereby legality and illegality, choice and coercion, and private and public agents intertwine to facilitate labor trafficking. a critical take on the 4p and 3r paradigms of state and non-state anti-trafficking efforts that precede it, we suggest that nascent developments on the sociotechnical front are characterized by “4as. this paper analyzes the response of a sex workers organization in the asia-pacific region to the efforts of anti-human trafficking activists. as john vanek, a retired lieutenant from the san jose police department and former head of the san jose human trafficking task force noted at a usc sponsored round table discussion on prop 35:the number of people who are true experts in this field, in california, is actually quite small… what i would have asked, is that these people [anti-trafficking experts] would have been invited to the table (proposition 35 transcript 2012). the last decade, international humanitarian campaigns and policy have begun to address the horrific and increasing transnational sexual exploitation of women and children. the aim of this article is to provide an overview of the official swedish attitude towards trafficking in persons for sexual purposes (hereafter referred to as trafficking), to place this view in an international context, and also to critically analyze problems that arise when the official swedish objective of establishing gender equality is confronted with the issue of women who have been trafficked to sweden. one of the unfortunate consequences of this attention is that labor migration for sexual commerce is increasingly depicted as sex trafficking and women’s unregulated movement across borders is interpreted as sexual and economic exploitation, human trafficking, and even criminal conduct by mainstream media and governmental institutions. law enforcement seeks to leverage technology to build cases against traffickers and identify and protect victims of sex trafficking, they may increasingly interface with non-state technology innovators. in the case of prop 35, some of the contention emanating out of some anti-trafficking circles hinged on the fact that the ballot initiative sponsors did not sufficiently consult with those in the state with anti-trafficking expertise. in so doing, they have rendered invisible different kinds of exploitation that cisgender and transgender men, women, and children may experience (vance 2011, 936). while considerable evidence points to the fact that human trafficking does exist in the united states and abroad, many sources of literature continue to cite flawed data and some misuse research in ways that seemingly inflate the problem, which can have serious implications for anti-trafficking efforts, including victim services and anti-trafficking legislation and policy., sealing/kim, eunjung: the paradoxes of neoliberalism: migrant korean sex workers in the united states and “sex trafficking”, in: social politics: international studies in gender, state & society (21.. tensions and trade-offs: protecting trafficking victims in the era of immigration enforcement., we think heightened sociotechnical mediation of anti-trafficking efforts invites scholars and advocates to account for how technology and technological expertise reshapes the contours of anti-trafficking activities. between shame and lack of responsibility: the articulation of emotions among female returnees of human trafficking in northern vietnam, antropologia, vol 1, n° 1 n. focusing on the israeli case of labor migration, we offer a meso-level institutional analysis of the modes by which private brokers’s actions combine with state regulations and policies in creating labor trafficking. while christians are largely of one mind that human trafficking is wrong, the strategies that they use and the ends they hope to accomplish are varied and even conflicting.. for other reasons, such as north korea, where severe strictures on migration suggest that high levels of trafficking are unlikely. despite increased attention to the trafficking-technology nexus, scant research to date has critically unpacked these shifts nor mapped how technology reconfigures anti-trafficking collaborations.” finally, by putting sexual exploitation first and assuming that women are uniquely degraded by sex, anti-trafficking policy diverts attention from equally harmful and widespread forms of labor exploitation that affect equally “innocent” men and children, as well as women toiling in dangerous and debilitating non-sexual jobs. it is difficult to gauge the full extent with which law enforcement is augmenting its anti-trafficking surveillance tactics since some want to, in the words of a federal prosecutor “protect our secrets” (interview, august 16, 2013). hold the uk's largest collection of child protection resources and the only uk database specialising in published material on child protection, child abuse and child neglect. on the contrary, these insights are arguably as important as ever, as are discussions about the racial and class dimensions of anti-trafficking.

Research on Human Trafficking

although the formal justification for immigration detention and ‘protective custody’ may be different, there are clear parallels between the experience of trafficking victims in semi-carceral institutions and what kalhan has termed ‘a quasi-punitive system of immcarceration’. i demonstrate how the uk uses development aid as an anti-trafficking strategy. in gold mines in ethiopia, children are forced to work an average of 14 h a day, six days a week. if visibility is a byproduct of a technologically mediated ecosystem, how do we leverage it in ways that do not inflict additional harm on trafficked persons or others who find themselves caught within the anti-trafficking carceral protectionist net (musto 2013)? counter-trafficking measures may offer a modicum of protection for a specific and small group of undocumented migrants in the sex industry., diana tietjens: feminism and sex trafficking: rethinking some aspects of autonomy and paternalism, in: ethical theory and moral practice 17 (3), juni 2014, s. furthermore, victims of human trafficking have access to statutory assistance under the asylum seekers’ benefits act and to compensation under the victims compensation act when certain requirements are met. “‘i am only half alive’: organ trafficking in pakistan amid interlocking oppressions. slavery and sexual violence are necessary but not sufficient responses to trafficking and the wider spectrum of sexual abuse and transnational labor exploitation, which correspond more to our own cultural norms than the moral equality and self-determination of the victims. despite the growing political attention devoted to protecting victims of trafficking, i argue that in areas of nigeria prone to economic insecurity and gender-based violence, the categories of “victim” and “criminal” collapse into, and begin to resemble, one another once on the ground. the harms of this form of trafficking are reported to be especially high, with extremely harsh living and working conditions and frequent physical abuse. german penal code (stgb) addresses various types of human trafficking: for sexual exploitation (section 232 stgb), for labour exploitation (section 233 stgb), and for facilitating human trafficking (section 233a stgb). association between the football industry and the trafficking of west african youth has captivated academic, media and political interest. sociotechnical anti-trafficking efforts not only risk perpetuating harms against the people they aim to assist; they may further contribute to interventions that render victims of forced labor and voluntary sex workers similarly vulnerable to heightened law enforcement surveillance and carceral oversight (bernstein 2010; ditmore 2009), punitive efforts we seek to challenge. based on research, in a range of sending and receiving countries—australia, bosnia and herzegovina, brazil, india, nigeria, thailand, the united kingdom, and the united states—the report shows that women who are “rescued” from trafficking may be indefinitely detained against their will in police facilities or shelters, involuntarily deported, forced to provide evidence which puts them and their families at risk, or even abused or harassed by law enforcement officials.” or as a federal agent who has worked several child sex trafficking cases summarized in an interview: “it [evidence for cases] is just like a big puzzle where you have to link all these pieces together…social media, text messages, it’s all part of the puzzle” (interview, june 29, 2012). “contrasting the conceptualisation of victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation: a case study of brazilians in spain and portugal. the second, empirical section of my analysis i strive to connect uk domestic anti-trafficking measures with government plans to reorganize the spatial limits of its governmentality extraterritorially.. anti-trafficking funding went to east asia or the western hemisphere and only 14% to africa (crs report for congress 2010). some have used online classified ad sites and child sex trafficking as a rallying cry to advocate for sweeping policy changes to section 230 of the 1996 communications decency act (cda), arguing that their ability to enforce abuse is curtailed because of the current framing of cda, section 230 (national association of attorneys general 2013). for example, a best-case receiving country sensitive to social context—australia—has committed almost us million/year to combating trafficking in australia through improving detection and prosecution while a counterpart sending country program financed by the ilo in thailand for prevention through education and job creation provides only around us million/year (http://​www. while the pretext for becoming objects of law enforcement attention may be couched in rehabilitative terms and may legitimize arresting youth in order to rescue, restore, and empower them (musto 2013), the outcome for both groups appears to be the same, with both groups subjected to increased surveillance and heightened juridical and psychosocial entrapment by the law enforcement anti-trafficking apparatus. child laborers in gold mines face a number of dangers: in west africa, children rub mercury into their hands before sifting soil through their fingers. widely acknowledged that the data on human trafficking is insufficient,Unreliable, incomparable and limited (ogrodnik 2010). shamir’s recent article, a labor paradigm for human trafficking, cri­tiques the current response to human trafficking, arguing that it has failed to make meaningful progress in reducing the prevalence of human trafficking. children trafficked from burkina faso, guinea, and mali to gold mines in côte d’ivoire are held in slavery-like conditions and forced to work 10 h a day, seven days a week. the aim in highlighting such obstacles is to emphasize the dynamics that may contribute to lowered numbers of identified and prosecuted cases, and consequent underestimation of sex trafficking prevalence.

bales’ overall predictors of trafficking levels in a given country are corruption, infant mortality, youth population, food production, population density, and conflict (bales 2004, p 139). heightened attention to the technological “push” factors of sex trafficking thus consolidates and elevates the influence of sociotechnical actors to shape and control the terms on which anti-trafficking claims are made. some of the distorted typing of trafficking as uniquely coercive and harmful obscures the pressures and violations of both alternative forms of migration and alternative domestic employment, as well as the sexual exploitation of “normal” practices in many sending countries. implications for practice, research, and policy are discussed, as well as recommendations for future prevalence studies on human trafficking.​org/​traffick/​, run jointly by global alliance against traffic in women, network of sex work projects, the international human rights law group, and human rights watch, monitors the effects and shortfalls of anti-trafficking initiatives. in the sections that follow, we expand upon some of these themes, draw upon some ethnographic and interview findings and conclude by offering a tentative forecast of what the trafficking-technology nexus suggests for the future of anti-trafficking..-based anti-trafficking activities focused on technology, our research offers preliminary insight as to how technology in general and sociotechnical innovation in particular are shaping anti-trafficking activities in the united states. “girls on film: affective politics and the creation of an intimate anti-trafficking public in singapore through film screenings. a supply of desperate and vulnerable women (and families, in the case of children) is generated by the collapse of local economies due to endemic poverty, political conflict, and/or pressures of globalization.​nsf/​vap/​(966bb47e522e8480​21a38a20280e2386​)∼056+june+17+hum​an+trafficking+f​act+sheet..Whereas chris kelly, the proposition’s co-sponsor and former chief privacy officer of facebook cited the passage of prop 35 as a dual victory for advocates of human trafficking and child safety alike (joseph and tucker 2012), opponents of the measure, including the american civil liberties union (aclu) and the electronic frontier foundation (eff) underscored its overgeneralizing terms, broad definitional reach, and violation of sex offenders’ constitutional rights to free speech. articles have raised important questions about the validity of prevalence data on human trafficking, exposing flawed methodologies behind frequently cited statistics. paradoxically, in israel, migrants with permits who embark on their journey as voluntary migrants are those who risk falling victim of trafficking. first, a human rights approach to trafficking as a private wrong would begin by strengthening protection and reorienting prosecution to serve protection rather than vice versa. in the interviews with the local practitioners it is revealed that what is framed as anti-trafficking policy in official policy-documents is both contested and reconstructed on the local level. here public commentators—ranging from journalists to anti-trafficking advocates, policymakers, and attorneys general—have cited backpage and craigslist as key facilitators of sex trafficking online, suggesting that third-party entities have directly profited from the commercial sexual exploitation of children (california department of justice 2012)—or what is now referred to as domestic minor sex trafficking (dmst)—and benefitted from the anonymity afforded by the internet7 (national public radio staff 2013). sum, slavery is wrong, but trafficking is not always slavery—and other forms of migration and labor often are. in other cases, young female migrants and potential border crossers are profiled and subjected to preemptive scrutiny and interdiction that impinges their freedom of movement in the name of protecting them from trafficking (global alliance, “collateral damage,” 2009). international sex trafficking is an especially egregious violation of almost every fundamental freedom enacted on especially vulnerable populations, other forms of labor exploitation and abuse are even more widespread and affect greater numbers of people.” the 4as denote heightened awareness and visibility of particular online sites assumed to promote trafficking, particularly sex trafficking, the amassment4 of data by law enforcement to pursue anti-trafficking investigations, theaugmentation of traditional surveillance techniques and tools, and the advancement of collaborative arrangements and technological innovation in the form of automated or algorithmic techniques. i suggest an interpretation of uk overseas anti-trafficking measures that foregrounds respatialized border and immigration controls. whether cases assumed to involve forced labor are filed under state or federal human trafficking statutes or if instead they are filed under different statutes, child pornography possession or distribution for instance, there has been increased focus on how to collect digital evidence and a corresponding focus on the types of tools and the kinds of partnerships that can augment law enforcement work in this area. this essay briefly introduces the topic of human trafficking, and provides an overview of three social movements that set important historical precedents for christian anti-trafficking activism in the present: 19th century abolitionist movements, late 19th- and early 20th-century social purity movements, and the late 20th century religious freedom movement. the essay will explore how anti-trafficking policies could be improved by better distinctions between forced and free sex work, the understudied linkages between other forms of migration and sexual exploitation, and a triage approach to all forms of labor exploitation—based on harms rather than type of labor or victim. in spite of their ostensible concern about the exploitation of women, these films present trafficking mostly as an occasion for the redemption and rehabilitation of the beleaguered white american male, appropriating the problem of trafficking in the service of a us-led neo-imperialism bolstered by masculinism and xenophobia, and implicitly problematising women’s independence and justifying the control of their movements and sexuality. annals of the american academy of political and social science:Special issue: human trafficking: recent empirical research edited by: ronald weitzer and sheldon x. we argue that global anti-trafficking initiatives as they have taken shape in the twenty-first century are part of neoliberal governance.

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by combining qualitative content analysis and interpretative policy analysis with interviewconducted among practitioners working in this field in a local context, swedish antitrafficking policy is explored on different levels. what kinds of policies would support this deeper approach to trafficking and its associated forms of exploitation?↵6 scholars have consistently pointed out that not all human trafficking is sex trafficking, that sex work is sociolegally distinct from sex trafficking, and a combination of sketchy data (vance 2011), panics about irregular border crossing (chacón 2010) and a dismissal of women’s sexual labor and agency in the commercial sex trade (andrijasevic 2010) have contributed to empirically uninformed expectations that sex trafficking is a more egregious problem than other forms of labor exploitation. human trafficking is widely recognized as a global crime and an affront to democratic values and human rights; however, israeli labor migration evinces a complex relation between legitimate and illegitimate practices that culminate in forced labor, bondage, and the turning of “transported” labor migrants into trafficked human beings. we take as our point of departure their active resistance to the label of “victims of sex trafficking. notwithstanding, we believe that the theoretical arguments we advance in the paper regarding the contribution of a meso-level institutional analysis for understanding the conditions under which legal practices, official and legitimate actors and mechanisms catalyze trafficking in labor, can be applied and examined in other contexts. know that child abuse and neglect can affect mental health and wellbeing in childhood and beyond into adulthood (arseneault et al, 2011; nanni et al, 2012; sroufe et al, 2005). for police assigned to units whose investigations focus on prostitution and sex trafficking, surveillance has typically included in-person observation of street-based “tracks” or “strolls” where prostitution and commercial sex are assumed to take place. however, in comparison to both film viewers and anti-trafficking stakeholders she is cast as muted and lacking agency. trafficking frame also draws on the most palatable form of feminism, the struggle to end violence against women.. state department report shows signs of a modest conceptual breakthrough in the understanding of trafficking, along the lines suggested in this essay. some public policy and scholarly accounts, human trafficking is increasingly understood as a technological problem that invites collaborative anti-trafficking solutions..When technology and trafficking are referenced in mainstream media, the discussion tends to focus on the role of online classifieds advertising sites in facilitating sex trafficking of underage youth (kristof 2012). in this article, we refer to “human trafficking,” “sex trafficking,” “domestic minor sex trafficking,” and “trafficker” as defined by the united states trafficking victim protection act of 2000. we perform a structural analysis of this myth arguing that its acceptance, combined with the persistence of laws that define trafficking solely as the migration of prostitutes, has shifted public discussion towards a paradigm of passivity and law enforcement where members of certain social categories must be “educated to understand that they are victims” and their movements must be curtailed. exploitation and trafficking of women and girls in mexico: an analysis on impact of violence on health status. in addition to its ability to render trafficking more visible, technology is also understood as providing new tools to respond. al: data protection challenges in anti-trafficking policies – a practical guide, 2015. sex trafficking is properly defined as transborder subjugated commodification of female sexual services. attendant to these assumptions lies a corollary set of expectations that technology can be leveraged to disrupt trafficking, and that the efficacy of such disruption hinges on the promotion of public–private partnerships, heightened collaboration between state, non-profit, and corporate actors, and stepped-up internet and mobile surveillance of individuals suspected of facilitating and being victimized by the phenomenon. idea that technology needs to be leveraged to more effectively combat human trafficking in general and sex trafficking in particular has garnered heightened attention in anti-trafficking circles throughout the united states. how can we make sense of the regulatory purposes performed by semi-carceral institutions for trafficking victims? although organ trafficking is a major concern it is not representative of the phenomenon as a whole. new strategy outlines 5 goals for 5 years, to make 5 million children safer. article provides an overview of how trafficking in persons has come to be imagined in brazil. we stipulate that a mythical narrative has become central to discourses about trafficking used to guide policy-makers and educate civil society. and while we recite these words, thousands of women and children across the world are being trafficked as slaves across u.

Human Trafficking: New Directions for Research

while this is a welcome development, it is too often based on a distorted understanding of trafficking, violence, and globalization. antitrafficking efforts evince tensions between human rights approaches, which recognize labor migrants as victims of abuse and offense, and a utilitarian approach that places systematically employers and citizens’ interests over labor migrants’ rights. analytics comprises but one part of a growing repertoire of technologies that may be employed to assist law enforcement in identifying incidents of trafficking as well as other crimes. “sex trafficking, captivity, and narrative: constructing victimhood with the goal of salvation. meanwhile, others have documented the growth of a transnational anti-trafficking rescue industry (agustín 2007; gallagher 2011), highlighting how organized state, non-governmental, faith-based, and corporate anti-trafficking efforts have advanced a “neoliberal carceral agenda reliant upon punitive systems of control” (bernstein 2010, 67). this article analyses the positions of brazil, spain and portugal regarding the conceptualisation of “trafficking victim,” focusing on their legislation and policies, as well as on relevant narratives which show how these policies are being applied. during ridealongs with a unit charged with anti-trafficking and anti-prostitution efforts, musto observed this “show me your phone” practice. this paper argues that co-opting the organ trade into the ‘meta- narrative’ of human trafficking resists a wider critique of the phenomenon linking the emergence of a global market in organs to broader socio-economic conditions. moreover, trafficking in africa and the middle east is more likely to involve children, and to mix sexual exploitation with other forms of forced labor and even institutionalized slavery (united nations office on drugs and crime 2006), but both positive aid and legal assistance and negative u. the human trafficking definitions employed by the united nations protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children and its counterpart issued by the united states congress, the trafficking victims protection act, support a politically conservative agenda on migration and trafficking in human beings, with patriarchal emphasis placed on women and children. sexual violence is wrong, but trafficking is not always violent—and some of the violence comes from its suppression and illegality. while anti-trafficking funds and programs focus on the most visible and western-linked populations, more harmful forms of sexual exploitation are usually linked to poorer sending regions, greater gender inequity, servicing of other migrants or domestic indentured labor, and weak states. applying lind’s insights to the case of human trafficking, what becomes clear is that some anti-trafficking actors who have come together to address it wield “interpretive power” in distilling what counts as coercive and consensual forms of intimate relations, and determining which types of anti-trafficking interventions are best-equipped to assist individuals identified as victims. australia’s knowledge of victim/survivors’ help-seeking strategies will better inform government and community responses to this crime, improve detection and identification of human trafficking matters and subsequent referral to appropriate victim services. examination of trafficking and technology is itself a collaborative endeavor and weaves together our combined research on organized anti-trafficking activities in the united states (musto 2011, 2013) and ethnographic research on technology, social media, and youth practices (boyd 2014; palfrey, boyd, and sacco 2009). broadly, how could an enhanced analysis of the roots and nature of trafficking help to design better policies worldwide? we are looking for proposals that make a significant contribution to the evidence base and the potential for real impact. the largest flows of domestic labor trafficking are within the poorest countries and regions, africa, south asia, and the middle east., anti-trafficking policies framed to protect “innocent” women from sexual slavery ignore or slight prior sex workers or other women who migrate voluntarily to engage in sex work but are subsequently exploited.. enhancing child safety and online technologies: final report of the internet safety technical task force. according to the state department’s mandated annual trafficking in persons report for 2008, in 2008 the department of justice’s civil rights division and u. the significant emphasis given to the trafficking of brazilians to the sex industry of the iberian peninsula, the concepts of “victim of trafficking for sexual exploitation” used in these three countries vary. although women trafficked for sexual exploitation are especially at risk of abuse due to displacement, the number of women coerced or pressured into prostitution within their countries far exceeds trafficking victims, with little international attention or pressure. sexualized, individualistic myths regarding trafficking limit appropriate attention and response to victims of a wide range of globalized exploitation and coercion, including the intended beneficiaries of anti-trafficking efforts. prop 35 also raises questions about the kinds of interventions—technological or otherwise—that are assumed to assist those deemed most vulnerable to trafficking.. state department report on trafficking notes such non-sexual labor abuse, without offering a policy response parallel to anti-trafficking efforts:Some 20 to 30% of the world’s gold comes from artisanal mines throughout africa, south america, and asia…. anti-trafficking policies are systematically distorted by uninformed or biased analyses of sex work and the wider spectrum of forced labor.

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this article uses football trafficking as a case study to think through the broader conception of mobile african male bodies in football migration and trafficking discourses.. human rights and human trafficking: a reflection on the influence and evolution of the u. is clear is that the best anti-trafficking policy is universal, indivisible human rights. understanding the mechanics of how these neoliberal governmentalities function is important to broader discussions about the ngo-ization of anti-trafficking efforts and the role that transnational actors play in shaping the discursive and material terms of sex workers’ and trafficked persons’ intimate relations, subjectivities, and agency (musto 2008, 2011). i discuss how the uk continues to strengthen its commitment to tackling trafficking in source and transit countries via stricter border and immigration control overseas. on qualitative research conducted with some female residents of a shelter for victims of trafficking located in lào cai, an urban centre on the northern vietnamese border with china, the intention, in this article, is to explore some of their expressed feelings and emotions., anti-trafficking policy should triage prosecution and protection more by level of harm than type of abuse. trafficking has become a high-profile, celebrity endorsed issue, attracting much international attention. significant numbers of male and female children are also enslaved on plantations, in informal factories, as domestic servants, as beggars, and as child soldiers.. trafficking victims protection act, perhaps the central single piece of legislation, trafficking is defined as “a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion”; under the bush administration, the u. it may be useful, as a cursory exercise, to map how particular technologies are used to engage or promote any number of activities,11 a singular focus on the medium alone fails to address these questions as does unapprised optimism about how technology can be leveraged to disrupt trafficking. the individualistic emphasis and sexual focus of anti-trafficking efforts fails to address the wider issue of structural violence and economic determinants of all forms of trafficking, labor abuse, and exploitive smuggling. considering that israel has become a significant importer of labor migration in the last two decades, we hope that a contextualized analysis of the local processes that facilitate the transnational business of trafficking in israel can better inform human trafficking policy and programs, which are swiftly proliferating in the regional and transnational scene. the online, ethnographic, and interview-based data that anchor this article were gathered by musto between june 2012 and january 2014 and derives from her intermittent observations and participation in anti-trafficking trainings, meetings, and forums that involved some discussion of technology. presumed technological visibility of trafficking offers new opportunities for tracing suspected traffickers’ digital footprints; here, the digital and data tracks left by mobile phone calls, text messages, financial transactions, gps patterns, automatic license plate readers, and geolocation data enable law enforcement to track suspected traffickers and to corroborate relationships between them and the individuals they are suspected of exploiting (boyd et al. first, it highlights the need to introduce into trafficking research a meso-level analysis that pays closer attention to institutional mechanisms, public and private actors’ logics of action and patterned interactions that make possible human trafficking and shape its meaning (kyle and dale, 2001). the narrative of trafficking has particularly salient features for contemporary western publics, vis-à-vis other types of human rights abuse. at the same time, one of the few genuine preventive measures that indicates both responsiveness and unmet need, the national human trafficking resource hotline, received a total of 4,147 calls, including more than 550 tips on possible human trafficking cases and nearly 400 requests for victim care referrals (http://​www. in other words, this article asks, what is the social life of locally articulated anti-trafficking discourses? overall, anti-trafficking programs devote far more attention and resources to prosecution than protection, and still less to prevention. the tensions between anti-trafficking actors at this round table may be written off as contextually specific to california politics and although they were not expressly about technology per se, this exchange nonetheless underscores how heightened focus on technology promotes new types of expertise and also encourages new kinds of experts to join the anti-trafficking table. | victim/survivors of human trafficking involving partner migration employ diverse help-seeking strategies, both formal and informal, to exit their exploitative situations.. militarized humanitarianism meets carceral feminism: the politics of sex, rights, and freedom in contemporary antitrafficking campaigns. and because sociotechnical solutions arise out a technology industry which strives to maintain market advantage against competitors, it remains to be seen whether such an underlying ethos of competition can be temporarily bracketed and “closed circles” of technological knowledge opened to address trafficking (gallagher 2011). this article takes the uk anti-trafficking measures as a case study to explore the interaction between discourses of trafficked women’s vulnerability to sexual harm, and national vulnerability to external threats such as organized crime. political and economic transition from communism and the global sex trafficking crisis: a case study of moldova. in what ways does the dominant anti-sex trafficking discourse of ‘protection’ and ‘rescue’ intersect with gendered notions of belonging and citizenship?